Who can create a new path for DC’s congressional delegate? (Part 2)

IN DC, many people have asserted that the June primary will usher in a generational shift in the city’s political class. What does that really mean? Is it simply that several politicians who have been around for decades are finally leaving the arena, as in the case of the pending retirement of DC Del. Eleanor Holmes Norton? 

Perhaps the essential question is this: Will the incoming delegate be capable of effectively breaking the creative and political rigor mortis that set in over the years in that congressional office, regenerating it, expanding its sphere of influence, and enhancing the quality of life for District residents?

During the past several months, nearly two dozen individuals registered either with the Federal Election Commission or the DC Board of Elections declaring their candidacy for Norton’s position — the vast majority of them Democrats. Last week, partisan candidates were required to submit qualifying petition signatures to determine whether they will be on their party’s primary ballot. Ward 2 DC Councilmember Brooke Pinto, at-large DC Councilmember Robert White and Trent Holbrook submitted their forms a week or more before the March 18 deadline. Kinney Zalesne, Robert Matthews, Greg Jaczko, Sandi Stevens and Kelly Mikel Williams filed their qualifying petitions for the Democratic Party’s primary on the final day.

Republican Denise Rosado and Statehood Green Party member Kymone Freeman were the only candidates to submit nominating petitions to run in their respective primaries. 

Last month, I sent emails to seven of the Democratic candidates, requesting individual interviews. Holbrook never replied, but the other six agreed to speak to me. Four of those candidates — Pinto, White, Zalesne and Williams — are in line to make the ballot unless too many of their signatures are deemed invalid. The other two, Vincent Morris and Deirdre Brown, ended their campaigns prior to the submission deadline.

This is not an endorsement column. Don’t expect me to select one. 

However, A. Scott Bolden, a former chair of the DC State Democratic Committee, told me during a recent interview that Norton’s successor will need to have sharp political skills and to be capable of taking swift action. “They will need to know how to lead without a vote. They will need to build alliances, not just per issue or per legislation but rather permanent and deep.

“The representative is not always going to be in control. [That person] always has to be thinking about where the political puck is going to be — not where it is,” added Bolden, adapting famous advice from hockey great Wayne Gretzky.

Those are similar to qualifications also mentioned by Pinto, Zalesne and White during their interviews with me. Unsurprisingly, each has declared themselves uniquely qualified for the job.

The three of them — possibly along with Holbrook, who served as Norton’s senior legislative counsel prior to launching his campaign — are also seen by most political observers as the most viable candidates, based on their prominence, experience and ability to raise enough money to run a vigorous citywide campaign.

Ready on Day 1?

“Ultimately, I think no matter where you live or what race you are, what gender you are, our city knows that we need someone in this seat who can really secure wins for us in this moment,” said Pinto, who has been the Ward 2 councilmember since 2020. A year after joining the council, in 2021, she introduced the Recovery Act, which among other things sought to “incentivize conversions of vacant office buildings” to housing, retail space and other uses; the council subsequently authorized and funded many of Pinto’s proposed policy initiatives. She later introduced the Secure DC omnibus, a controversial but comprehensive public safety bill that won council approval; more recently she proposed the Prosper DC Plan, an amalgam of bills.

“I would not be running for this if I wasn’t so confident that I could do the best job for every single Washingtonian,” Pinto told me. 

For her part, Zalesne said she thinks “relationships are at the heart of success in almost everything. I have worked at the top of the public sector, the private sector, and the nonprofit sector. I would say in all of them the ability to build relationships — deep, genuine connection with people — is foundational to success. 

“More so than any other member of Congress, certainly more so than a DC councilmember, this job is for somebody who can convene disparate thinkers, unlikely prospective allies, and build a coalition out of that. That’s what I’ve been doing for 30 years in all those sectors,” said Zalesne. 

“The preparation for this job has never been … exclusively about local issues. The preparation for this job is decades of national experience and relationships that you can leverage to bring resources and power to the city,” added Zalesne, a former White House staffer, counsel to U.S. Attorney General Janet Reno, and Democratic National Committee fundraiser.

White has branded himself heir apparent of Norton’s legacy — although Holbrook worked in the office much more recently and was there longer. White has been an at-large councilmember since 2016. Suggesting he is the one to beat, he referred me to a poll commissioned by his campaign.

Conducted by Lake Research Partners from Nov. 22 to 24, 2025, it surveyed the opinions and attitudes of “400 people — 162 men and 236 women. Of the total polled, 187 were white; 172 were Black” (with no racial breakdown for the other 41 individuals). Most of the poll’s participants were reached by cellphone or “text to online,” the latter a reference to asking respondents to complete a survey by clicking a link, according to the document, a copy of which was provided to me by a member of White’s campaign.

At the time the poll was taken, there was some confusion about whether Norton intended to retire. Still, 22% of those surveyed rated their impression of her as “very favorable.” White received 14% while Pinto received 6%.

Reviewing the data more closely, another 29% of respondents had a “somewhat favorable” view of White while 18% had either a “somewhat unfavorable” or “very unfavorable” view. 

Interestingly, given his council tenure and 2022 mayoral bid, 18% had “no opinion” of him; 22% said they had never heard of him.

When individuals were asked who they would support if the race were held that day, 17% said they strongly supported White; 13% said Norton; 7% said Pinto; and 1% said Zalesne. 

That could inspire a victory lap — except that 31% of those surveyed were undecided.

Longtime political consultant Chuck Thies said the poll is worthless. He raised questions about the execution of the survey and the racial and gender balancing of the population.

Then there’s the time stamp: “You look at the date when it was taken, it’s too far out from the election to mean anything.” 

However, in an interview with me last year, Thies did seem to suggest that White, as an African-American, may start with an advantage. Because both Norton and her predecessor are Black, Thies said, some voters think of it as a “Black” position.

“Tradition is meaningful — maybe not for people under 45,” Thies said in our recent interview. 

If that assessment is true, do Pinto, Zalesne and Holbrook have an extra hurdle to jump?

Does money matter?

Most challenges in a political campaign can be offset by two things: strong organization and sufficient money. White’s major opponents appear to have both in spades. 

As of Dec. 31, the end date for the most recent report on file with the Federal Election Commission, Pinto had raised $843,496, including a $10,025 contribution she made to her campaign; she had $608,867.80 in cash on hand.

Zalesne brought in $593,885.47; she provided her campaign a $50,000 loan. She had $445,192.15 in cash on hand as of Dec. 31, according to her most recent FEC report.

White took in $230,399.32. He had $151,818.86 in his campaign account as of Dec. 31, according to his FEC report.

Holbrook entered the race in early January, so the FEC website doesn’t yet show the state of his campaign treasury. The next reports for congressional campaigns are due April 15 and will cover the period ending March 31.

Can White overcome or at least offset the cash advantage enjoyed by Pinto and Zalesne?

“We’re raising money,” White told me. In fact, our interview was briefly interrupted by a telephone call to remind him, after he finished with me, that he had to dial for dollars — a process common in most campaigns. 

“They just have wealth that I don’t have. Unfortunately for me, I have to spend a lot more time raising money than they do,” continued White.

He may be hoping to catch a break with endorsements, which often come with ground-level workers and money. Last month, DC for Democracy gave him the nod. Many of the group’s members, anchored in the far-left wing of the local Democratic Party, have labeled themselves progressives.

Recently, he won a straw poll conducted by Free DC with 213 votes and received the group’s endorsement. Free DC was co-founded by a former leader of DC for Democracy who worked in DC Councilmember Janeese Lewis George’s previous campaigns and on her council staff.

Lewis George, who is running for mayor, also won the Free DC poll. She has endorsed White. He, in turn, endorsed her.

“Robert and Janeese are running a slate,” said Thies. “His victory is predicated on riding her coattail. If she stalls and he doesn’t have a plan beyond riding her coattails, I don’t see how he’s going to broaden his appeal.”

Beyond statehood 

Fundraising, organizational strength and endorsements are only part of the equation. Equally important: What do these politicians, angling for an office on Capitol Hill, plan to do when they get there?

Pinto says there’s “a real opportunity to do things differently,” thinking strategically about “new industries like health-adjacent businesses, tech and AI” to reduce dependence on the federal government and diversify the city’s economy.

“The person in this seat needs to understand that and reach out to other industries across the country and across the world about opportunities that they should be exploring here in DC,” said Pinto. She has her sights on “overlays of enterprise and opportunity zones,” including in areas east of the Anacostia River, which can “have tax benefits for our DC businesses to grow and for new industries to come.”

Pinto said she has talked to some Republican lawmakers who have advocated for that economic policy. “That’s not relevant to me that it’s a Republican initiative. It’s something that will benefit our people and our businesses, and therefore it’s good for the city,” continued Pinto. “That’s one example of a place that we can think outside the box.”

During her first year in office, she wants to secure the delegate’s vote in the Committee of the Whole — which was granted at Norton’s behest in the 1990s under Democratic leadership but has generally been revoked whenever Republicans control the House, although current rules do permit the DC delegate to vote in the Committee of the Whole with some limitations. Pinto also noted the various other duties and powers of the office.

“As you know, in this position, I can introduce bills, I can sit on committees, I can chair committees, I could vote on markups. That’s where all the substantive legislative work happens anyway.”

Regarding the vote in the Committee on the Whole, she said she has already begun “meeting with members of Congress to have their support in securing that,” with the aim of preventing the whiplash generated when the delegate’s voting privileges depend on which party wins the midterms.

Unsurprisingly, other candidates also talked about obtaining a permanent vote for the delegate.

“We have a short window in which to figure out the strategy for DC and how we’re going to make ourselves winners in all of this transformation. We’re on our back foot for sure because we have less structural power than anybody,” explained Zalesne. “We’re on the defense and we have some enormous structural challenges, like the disruption of AI. 

“We need all the best thinking,” she said. “If all you’ve ever done in your career is run for office in DC, you are unlikely to have the preparation that’s going to bring you the kind of problem-solving skills we need.

“These are complex problems, and they’re going to take leaders who have been in all the sectors, who speak the language of all the sectors and know the values and the tactics of all the sectors, and can find solutions [in] the seams. …That’s what I’m trying to offer the city,” added Zalesne. 

“We’re in wartime,” White said. “Whether we’re talking about the literal wars overseas that the United States is increasingly involved in — and DC residents have no vote on that — or we’re talking about the war on democracy.

“You have to fight, but you have to make sure people understand that you’re a principled fighter. And that’s, I think, what the president misses. He’s all fight. He has no principle,” he said. 

“But if folks know Del. Robert White is going to come full force when they’re being unfair to the 700,000 residents of the District of Columbia [but] he’s going to work with us when we’re being straight up, that’s the type of relationship we need.” 

White said he is also focused on “being very active in the caucuses — the Black Caucus, the Progressive Caucus, but also the Problem Solvers Caucus, which is, I think, the premier bipartisan caucus. 

“I also envision me working differently in the sense that I will work with the mayor and the chair of the council to make sure that, on an ongoing basis, we are inviting members of Congress and their spouses to games here in DC — basketball games, football games, hockey games.” 

When the Rev. Walter Fauntroy was the delegate, there were regular softball games, sometimes attended by the mayor. The camaraderie was somewhat easier to establish back then; there was less political polarization, and many congressional representatives, families and staffers lived in the area, recalled Julius Hobson Jr., who in the 1980s worked in Fauntroy’s office in various positions and as staff director for the Subcommittee on Fiscal Affairs and Health.

There is a practical aspect of socializing: “You need 218 votes [in the House] and 60 votes in the Senate. You get there by building relationships when you introduce bills,” Hobson explained. “If you’re in the majority, that’s good. If you’re in the minority, you need to get somebody on the other side of the aisle to co-sponsor with you and to build up co-sponsorship on a bipartisan basis.

“That’s really hard to do because the two parties have thrown out their middles. There used to be Blue Dog Democrats in the House and moderate and Rockefeller Republicans,” said Hobson, adding that those mitigating forces are no longer around. “Each election they come in farther and farther apart. It takes more effort to get people to co-sponsor bills that are of interest to you. 

“It’s a slow-building thing. … You may introduce legislation or something that’s important; they may not vote for it, but they won’t get up on the floor and call you every nasty name they can think of,” explained Hobson. “That’s what you’re trying to do. It’s much more subtle than a lot of people understand.”

Interestingly, none of the candidates initially mentioned rewriting the home rule charter as something they would seek to do. They also didn’t allude to proposing a commuter tax, although discussion of those issues is percolating among voters. I had time to probe the issues in my conversations with White and Zalesne; Pinto’s time constraints meant we didn’t get to the subject, although she later provided a statement through her spokesperson.

“It’s absolutely time to revisit the Home Rule Act,” Pinto said, “so that DC residents can have true autonomy when it comes to our decision-making, including on zoning, tolling, our own judiciary, and issues that improve the lives of Washingtonians.”

White said rewriting the charter has been “on my radar and agenda since I worked in Congresswoman Norton’s office”; he argued in particular for expanding the size of the council.

“It is wildly inefficient and ineffective to have 13 people play the role of a state legislature, a city council, and a county council. There’s just a reality to how much blood you can get from that turnip,” he continued. “You’re going to miss most things when you’re talking about a budget that has gone from a couple of billion dollars to $25 billion, but the size of the legislative branch hasn’t changed.”

White said he also supports a commuter tax. “That’s something that you’re going to get done through relationships and negotiation. That is something that’ll be really important to DC’s economy.” He said the higher priority may be determining how to keep federal agencies in the District as well as “getting vacant or under-utilized properties transferred to the city.” He mentioned government buildings in the vicinity of L’Enfant Plaza as an example.

In a stance that seems to fly in the face of the kind of fiscal policies often embraced by his progressive supporters, White indicated he would like to explore a policy initiative comparable to Puerto Rico’s Act 60. That law provides tax breaks to lure certain businesses to relocate to the island. “Something like that could help us attract so many companies and jobs to DC.” He acknowledged there may be pushback from other jurisdictions in the region. “We’ve got to develop a realistic strategy.” 

Zalesne said she considers rewriting the home rule charter risky in the present political climate. She is focused on fostering regional relations and collaborations. She expects to propose the “creation in Congress of a capital caucus,” led by her as DC’s delegate; it “should include Maryland and Virginia and potentially some others,” she said.

“I’ve run this idea by Jamie Raskin of Maryland and Glenn Ivey of Prince George’s County, Maryland, and Suhas Subramanyam of Northern Virginia. And they were all enthusiastic. 

“First of all, there’s some things we’re all facing together, like we all lost employees in the DOGE cuts worse than the rest of the country. There are key things we share, like the Metro system, the highways and bridges, the parks, the sewage spill,” continued Zalesne.

“We should establish the commuter tax, but earmark it,” so revenue could be shared for those kinds of items, she said. 

“We need to assert ourselves on the regional stage. We need to cooperate and collaborate as a regional power,” said Zalesne. “We need our partners in that, and we need to pull our resources in that and not always have DC get the short end of the stick.”

Whether this election truly harbors any kind of generational change is open to question. There is, however, the potential that District residents may witness a new, broader vision of the delegate’s job and a more aggressive effort to use the power and influence of the office. That surely would be a good thing.